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ICE Taps Local Police for Immigration Enforcement Duties

ICE Taps Local Police for Immigration Enforcement Duties

ICE Taps Local Police for Immigration Enforcement Duties \ Newslooks \ Washington DC \ Mary Sidiqi \ Evening Edition \ The Trump administration has rapidly expanded a controversial immigration enforcement program known as 287(g), which empowers local police to perform duties typically reserved for federal immigration agents. Civil rights advocates warn the program encourages racial profiling and deters immigrant communities from cooperating with law enforcement. ICE and supporters argue it enhances enforcement capacity amid mass deportation goals.

Quick Looks

  • 287(g) lets local police act as ICE agents
  • ICE has signed 588 agreements with law enforcement agencies
  • Florida, Texas, Georgia lead in signed pacts
  • Agreements allow detention, interrogation, and immigration status checks
  • Three models: jail, warrant service, and task force
  • Critics say program fosters racial profiling and fear
  • Obama phased out task force model in 2012
  • Trump revived and accelerated program in early 2025
  • Officers trained in immigration law and civil rights
  • ICE defends program as legal and coordinated
  • Rights groups say immigrants avoid police out of fear
  • Participation requires U.S. citizenship and background checks
  • Concerns grow over limited training and oversight
  • Local agencies include sheriff’s offices, state guards, and others

Deep Look

As part of its sweeping immigration agenda, the Trump administration has dramatically revived and expanded the use of a decades-old federal program known as 287(g), which allows state and local law enforcement officers to carry out immigration enforcement tasks typically performed by federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents.

The surge in adoption of the program is part of President Donald Trump’s stated mission to ramp up deportations of undocumented immigrants and strengthen internal immigration controls. Critics, however, warn that the program opens the door to civil rights violations, racial profiling, and widespread fear in immigrant communities.

What is 287(g) and Why Is It Growing So Fast?

Authorized under a 1996 federal immigration law, the 287(g) program allows ICE to sign agreements with local and state law enforcement agencies to deputize officers to perform immigration enforcement functions.

There are three main models:

  • Jail Enforcement Model: Officers can screen and detain individuals in local jails suspected of immigration violations.
  • Warrant Service Officer Model: Officers execute ICE-issued warrants on detainees already in custody.
  • Task Force Model: Officers investigate immigration status during routine patrols and law enforcement activities.

ICE had just 135 signed agreements as of December last year. By May 19, the number had exploded to 588 agreements across 40 states, with 83 more pending approval. Florida alone accounts for about half, reflecting strong political backing from Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis.

Other prominent adopters include Texas, Georgia, and North Carolina. The agreements are largely with sheriff’s departments but also include state agencies like the Florida Fish and Wildlife Conservation Commission and the Florida Department of Lottery Services.

ICE Says It’s About Capacity—Critics Say It’s About Control

With only about 6,000 deportation officers nationwide, ICE argues that deputizing local officers through 287(g) is a force multiplier. Former acting ICE Director John Torres explained that with these agreements in place, federal agents can focus on broader enforcement while local officers handle jail screenings and immigration status checks.

But civil liberties groups say the consequences are dangerous and discriminatory.

“This program functions as a legalized surveillance system targeting people based on appearance, language, or name,” said Katie Blankenship, immigration attorney and co-founder of Sanctuary of the South. “It’s a method of terrorizing communities under the guise of law enforcement.”

Racial Profiling and Public Trust Concerns

Immigrant rights advocates and legal groups have long criticized 287(g), particularly the task force model, which was phased out in 2012 by the Obama administration due to reports of racial profiling and abuse of authority. Under Trump, the model has returned—with minimal oversight.

“They’re essentially functioning as ICE agents,” said Lena Graber of the Immigrant Legal Resource Center, pointing out that local officers now hold federal enforcement power without the same legal constraints or training.

In communities with active 287(g) agreements, immigrants often avoid reporting crimes, even when they are victims. Fear of deportation has eroded public trust and made local policing more difficult, say opponents.

Felipe Sousa-Lazaballet, director of Hope Community Center, described the current environment in Florida as hostile and dehumanizing: “If you look or sound like an immigrant, you’re a target.”

ICE and Local Law Enforcement Defend the Program

Despite pushback, ICE and allied law enforcement officials maintain that the 287(g) program is strictly regulated and serves a lawful purpose. Miami Border Patrol Chief Jeffrey Dinise said officers act only on valid law enforcement grounds, often after routine traffic stops or warrant checks.

“There is no racial profiling,” Dinise said at a recent press conference. “We run license plate checks, we check records, and follow legal procedures.”

Torres emphasized that local officers under 287(g) are not operating “in isolation.” ICE maintains direct communication and oversight of all participating agencies.

Training, Oversight, and Concerns Over Execution

To participate in 287(g), officers must be U.S. citizens, pass a background check, and undergo specialized training:

  • Task Force Model: 40-hour online course covering immigration law, civil rights, and legal procedures.
  • Jail Enforcement Model: Four-week course with an additional refresher session.
  • Warrant Service Officer Model: Eight hours of training.

But Austin Kocher, a Syracuse University researcher on immigration enforcement, said training remains one of the program’s weakest links.

“Training has been shortened to lower costs, especially for smaller departments,” he said. “What we’re seeing is a growing number of underprepared officers making serious decisions that can affect someone’s life permanently.”

The Bigger Picture: A Nationwide Enforcement Shift

The Trump administration’s reinvigoration of 287(g) is part of a broader strategy to make every jurisdiction a frontline in the deportation effort. While it reduces ICE’s dependence on federal agents alone, it also raises questions about jurisdictional boundaries, civil rights, and community policing.

While supporters hail it as a necessary expansion of authority to control illegal immigration, critics see it as a dangerous overreach that turns ordinary police officers into immigration agents—without the same legal and ethical standards.

As the program continues to grow under the Trump administration’s second term, the debate over immigration enforcement is sure to remain at the center of national discourse.

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