Hungary Faces EU Criticism on LGBTQ+ Rights Clampdown \ Newslooks \ Washington DC \ Mary Sidiqi \ Evening Edition \ Over 20 EU nations have called on Hungary to amend a controversial law that restricts LGBTQ+ public events. Concerns focus on fines and surveillance targeting Pride participants, which many see as undermining EU democratic values. The EU Commission may escalate legal action as tensions with Hungary’s nationalist government grow.
Quick Looks
- 20+ EU nations, including France and Germany, urge Hungary to change new law.
- April legislation allows banning and penalizing LGBTQ+ events and attendees.
- EU leaders say the law contradicts fundamental European values.
- Hungary’s minister denies any ban on Pride events.
- Law includes facial recognition use and “child protection” claims.
- Another bill may restrict NGOs and media seen as threats.
- €18 billion in EU funds remain frozen over rule-of-law issues.
- Hungary’s economy stagnates, with renewed GDP contraction in 2025.
- Orbán’s resistance on Ukraine aid and EU sanctions fuels further division.
Deep Look
Tensions are reaching a boiling point between Hungary and much of the European Union following a new Hungarian law that enables authorities to ban LGBTQ+ public events and penalize participants and organizers. At least 20 of the EU’s 27 member states—including leading powers like France, Germany, and Spain—have publicly condemned the law, warning that it erodes core democratic values enshrined in EU treaties.
The controversial legislation, passed by Hungary’s nationalist government in April 2025, permits authorities to use surveillance tools, including facial recognition, to monitor those attending LGBTQ+ events. It also introduces fines for those organizing or taking part in such gatherings, placing significant restrictions on public expression and freedom of assembly for LGBTQ+ communities.
In a joint declaration released as EU affairs ministers convened in Brussels, the signatory countries warned that these developments run “contrary to the fundamental values of human dignity, freedom, equality and respect for human rights” that form the foundation of the EU’s legal and political framework.
The ministers urged the European Commission—the EU’s executive body and primary enforcer of EU law—to act “expeditiously” using its full legal toolbox if Hungary fails to amend the legislation. This includes potential legal proceedings through the European Court of Justice, infringement actions, and further financial penalties.
Sweden’s EU affairs minister, Jessica Rosencrantz, was among the strongest voices calling for action. She criticized the EU’s current approach of repeated hearings and dialogue with Hungary as ineffective, stating, “It’s time we consider the next steps… We must act strongly against countries not living up to our common principles.”
Hungarian officials, however, deny the characterization of the law as discriminatory. Hungary’s EU affairs minister, János Bóka, insisted that there is no formal ban on Pride events in the country. He described the criticism as a misunderstanding, arguing that the law merely prioritizes children’s developmental rights under a broader “child protection” framework.
But many EU leaders and legal experts are unconvinced. The constitutional amendment passed alongside the law redefines children’s rights as superior to nearly all other civil liberties—except the right to life—including freedom of assembly. Activists warn that this framing creates a legal shield for suppressing LGBTQ+ visibility under the guise of protecting minors.
The law also includes provisions that bar what it calls the “depiction or promotion” of homosexuality to those under 18. Similar language was used in previous laws that drew condemnation from human rights groups and comparisons to Russia’s infamous “gay propaganda” legislation.
The EU’s commissioner for democracy, justice, and rule of law, Michael McGrath, signaled that the Commission is already conducting a comprehensive legal analysis of the legislation. “The willingness is there to act,” McGrath said, noting that the law likely breaches multiple provisions of EU law, including fundamental rights, the internal market framework, and nondiscrimination standards.
Compounding concerns is a second legislative effort in Hungary that would give sweeping powers to a newly established government agency: the Sovereignty Protection Office. This agency would have the authority to monitor, regulate, and even shut down organizations it views as threats to national sovereignty—including media outlets, research institutions, and civil society organizations.
Critics argue that the bill marks a dangerous escalation of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s longstanding campaign to silence dissent and undermine checks on executive power. McGrath echoed those concerns, calling the draft law “very serious” and “likely incompatible with EU law.”
This is not the first time Hungary’s ruling Fidesz party has come under scrutiny from the EU. Under Orbán, Hungary has faced mounting accusations of democratic backsliding, including weakening the independence of the judiciary, curbing press freedoms, and targeting civil society.
These trends have already led to significant financial consequences. As of May 2025, the European Commission has withheld approximately €18 billion (around $20 billion) in EU funds from Hungary. These funds remain frozen due to concerns over misuse, corruption, and lack of judicial safeguards.
“The reality is that this money is not available to Hungary because of their own rule of law breaches,” said McGrath. “I wish it were otherwise.”
These financial restrictions are hitting Hungary hard. Despite public optimism from the Orbán government, Hungary’s economy has stagnated for at least two years. In early 2025, its GDP contracted once again, making it the only EU member state to register negative growth in the first quarter. Inflation remains high, and investor confidence has been shaken by ongoing legal disputes with the EU.
Hungary’s increasingly adversarial posture extends beyond domestic policies. On foreign affairs, Orbán’s government has consistently disrupted EU consensus, particularly in relation to the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Budapest has delayed or blocked multiple aid packages intended for Kyiv and has resisted EU sanctions on Moscow, drawing rebukes from fellow EU leaders.
With growing frustration inside the bloc, there are increasing calls for EU decision-making to move forward without Hungary in situations where unanimity is required. This shift underscores the extent to which Hungary is becoming diplomatically isolated within the Union, even as it remains a full member.
As pressure mounts, both politically and economically, Orbán’s government appears unlikely to back down voluntarily. But with increasing legal scrutiny, coordinated opposition from fellow EU members, and sustained financial consequences, Hungary’s path forward may become more constrained. Whether this pressure will lead to meaningful policy changes remains an open question—but the EU’s willingness to escalate its response signals a potentially decisive shift in how the bloc confronts democratic backsliding from within.
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